Research on Global Relations

Original Article International Relations

Artificial Intelligence and the Redefinition of Global Relations in the New International Order

Alireza Koohkan; Fatemeh Asgarian

Volume 2, Issue 5 , April 2025

Abstract

Introduction Artificial Intelligence (AI) has emerged as one of the most influential driving forces of the Fourth Industrial Revolution and has profoundly transformed various dimensions of human life, from individual lifestyles to macro-level social, economic, political, and security structures. Beyond ... Read More Introduction Artificial Intelligence (AI) has emerged as one of the most influential driving forces of the Fourth Industrial Revolution and has profoundly transformed various dimensions of human life, from individual lifestyles to macro-level social, economic, political, and security structures. Beyond its technological nature, AI has increasingly become a strategic instrument in global competition for power, shaping new patterns of interaction among states and non-state actors. This transformation has raised fundamental questions within the field of International Relations (IR), particularly regarding the traditional state-centric understanding of global politics. Classical and neorealist approaches to International Relations emphasize the centrality of the state as the primary actor in global affairs and conceptualize power mainly in military and material terms. However, recent scholarship has highlighted the limitations of this perspective in explaining contemporary global dynamics driven by emerging technologies. Studies on digital power, algorithmic governance, and technological sovereignty suggest that Artificial Intelligence challenges traditional notions of power, agency, and authority by enabling new actors—such as multinational technology corporations, transnational networks, and even intelligent systems—to influence global relations. Existing literature has examined AI’s implications in specific domains, including economic competitiveness, military modernization, cybersecurity, and governance. Nevertheless, there remains a theoretical and analytical gap regarding how Artificial Intelligence collectively contributes to abroader transition from state-centric international relations to a multi-level system of global relations. This study seeks to address this gap by analyzing the mechanisms through which AI reshapes global relations and redistributes power across multiple levels of interaction. Research Objectives The main objective of this research is to examine the role of Artificial Intelligence in redefining global relations within the emerging international order. Specifically, the study aims to analyze how AI contributes to the transformation of power, agency, and actorness in global relations and how it weakens the exclusive dominance of states in international politics. The central research question guiding this study is: Through which mechanisms does Artificial Intelligence facilitate the transition from state-centric international relations to multi-level global relations? Based on this question, the research advances the following hypothesis: Artificial Intelligence, by redefining the concepts of power, agency, and political action, and by undermining the monopoly of states in international relations, contributes to a transition from state-centric international relations toward multi-level global relations. By addressing this objective, the study seeks to contribute to the theoretical debates in International Relations and Global Studies concerning technological change, global power shifts, and the future of the international order. Research Methodology This research adopts a descriptive–analytical methodology. Data have been collected using documentary and archival methods, including academic books, peer-reviewed journal articles, policy reports, and publications from international organizations related to Artificial Intelligence and global relations. The analytical framework of the study integrates insights from International Relations theory, particularly debates on power transformation, global governance, and multi-level analysis. Artificial Intelligence is examined as an independent variable influencing various domains of global relations—economic, political, cultural, and security—while changes in power distribution and patterns of interaction serve as the dependent variables. Through qualitative analysis of existing documents and theoretical interpretations, the study identifies key mechanisms through which AI reshapes global relations and contributes to the emergence of a multi-level global system. Research Findings The findings of the research indicate that Artificial Intelligence plays a significant and multidimensional role in transforming global relations across four major domains: Economic Relations: In the economic sphere, Artificial Intelligence has become a critical source of power and competitiveness. Advanced AI capabilities are predominantly concentrated in developed countries, leading to an increasing power gap between developed and developing states. This technological asymmetry reinforces existing global inequalities and creates new forms of dependency. AI-driven economic power reshapes global value chains, trade patterns, and financial systems, thereby redefining economic relations at both state and non-state levels. Political Relations: In the political domain, Artificial Intelligence enhances diplomatic communication and decision-making processes. AI-based data analysis and prediction tools enable governments and international actors to anticipate political events, crises, and conflicts several days before their occurrence. This predictive capacity contributes to a redefinition of political power and authority, as those who control AI technologies gain strategic advantages in agenda-setting, crisis management, and diplomacy. Cultural Relations: In the cultural sphere, Artificial Intelligence facilitates cross-cultural communication through language education, automated translation, and enhanced understanding of cultural diversity. These capabilities support the expansion of cultural diplomacy and soft power by enabling states and non-state actors to engage with foreign societies more effectively. As a result, AI contributes to the diffusion of cultural influence beyond traditional state-controlled channels. Security Relations: In the security domain, Artificial Intelligence has become a central element of strategic competition among states. AI-driven military technologies, surveillance systems, and cyber capabilities intensify global rivalries and signal profound transformations in the emerging international order. AI reshapes the nature of security threats and defense strategies, reinforcing the shift toward a technologically driven balance of power. Overall, the findings demonstrate that Artificial Intelligence operates as a transformative force that redistributes power and agency across multiple levels of global relations. Discussion The findings of this study indicate that Artificial Intelligence plays a decisive role in the transition from state-centric international relations to multi-level global relations by transforming power and agency across economic, political, cultural, and security domains. Rather than operating merely as a technological tool, AI functions as a structural force that reshapes global interactions and redistributes authority among states and non-state actors. In the economic domain, Artificial Intelligence has intensified inequalities between developed and developing countries. Advanced economies have successfully integrated AI into trade policy design and economic diplomacy, enhancing exports and competitiveness, while many developing states remain marginalized due to limited technological capacity and data access. This asymmetry reflects a shift in economic power from material resources toward data and algorithmic control. Politically, AI introduces a dual dynamic. Its predictive capabilities enable policymakers to anticipate political events and manage crises more effectively, yet its potential for data manipulation and opinion control also facilitates digital authoritarianism. Consequently, political power is increasingly exercised through control over algorithms and information flows rather than solely through formal state institutions. In the cultural sphere, Artificial Intelligence expands opportunities for cultural diplomacy by facilitating language learning and cross-cultural communication. However, algorithmic bias remains a significant challenge, as biased systems may reproduce cultural stereotypes and undermine global cultural engagement. From a security perspective, Artificial Intelligence has become a key arena of strategic competition. Control over advanced AI models and data infrastructures increasingly determines security power, signaling a profound transformation in the emerging international order. Overall, Artificial Intelligence accelerates the transnationalization of power and agency by empowering technology firms, digital platforms, and global users alongside states. This redistribution of authority clearly demonstrates a shift toward multi-level global relations and challenges traditional state-centric approaches in International Relations. Conclusion This study concludes that Artificial Intelligence is not merely a technological innovation but a structural force reshaping the foundations of global relations. By redefining power, agency, and actorness, AI undermines the traditional state-centric framework of international relations and accelerates the transition toward a multi-level global system. The research confirms the proposed hypothesis by demonstrating that Artificial Intelligence weakens the exclusive dominance of states and empowers new actors in economic, political, cultural, and security domains. Consequently, global relations in the emerging international order are increasingly shaped by complex interactions among states, non-state actors, and technological systems. Understanding the role of Artificial Intelligence in global relations is therefore essential for rethinking theoretical approaches in International Relations and for designing effective policies in an increasingly AI-driven world.

View Article

Original Article International Relations

Artificial Intelligence, International Security: Promises and Fears

Abbas Mehraliyan; Seyed Jalal Dehghani Firooz Abadi

Volume 2, Issue 5 , April 2025

Abstract

IntroductionSecurity is inherent to humankind and is one of the most prominent issues in the field of international relations. It is a fundamental issue that is woven into all areas of life, social structures, the government, non-governmental organizations, the structure of the international system, ... Read More IntroductionSecurity is inherent to humankind and is one of the most prominent issues in the field of international relations. It is a fundamental issue that is woven into all areas of life, social structures, the government, non-governmental organizations, the structure of the international system, and all local and international actors. Due to its importance and relevance, security can be studied in various approaches. At first glance, this issue may fit into the mainstream framework. However, the breadth and complexity of security seem to prevent a single theory from covering all its aspects. In addition to the hard elements involved in security issues, new technologies such as artificial intelligence can pose challenges to humans, societies, institutions, and ultimately international security. In this study, while not ignoring the importance and influential and growing position of all forms of new technologies, artificial intelligence, due to some distinctive indicators compared to other scientific and technical technologies, seems to have and will have a higher position in international security issues in the future. The present study focuses on artificial intelligence and the hopes arising from its positive impact on various areas of national and international security, as well as the fears arising from the consequences of irresponsible use and the exacerbation of the gap, leading to the creation/intensification of security threats at the regional and international levels. This research seeks to present a broad picture of the positions of artificial intelligence as one of the leading and transformative technologies in the games of actors in the international system.Research Question(s): What is the impact and position of artificial intelligence in security issues and maintaining and strengthening national and international state power? What are the promises and information technology resulting come from? What direction will foreign policy take? Will anarchy continue in international relations? What will the perception of hard power and soft power in the field of security look like with the advent of artificial intelligence? How will artificial intelligence transform the balance of power on a global scale? Literature ReviewArtificial intelligence, as one of the most influential technologies and as a simultaneous source of power and potential threat, has gained a significant place in international relations discussions and analyses since the early 21st century. Rosena can perhaps be mentioned as one of the first among those, in the article "Information, Artificial Intelligence, and the Development of Analytical Skills" (James Rosena et al., 2011), who highlighted the category of artificial human intelligence and drew the attention of leaders and politicians to the value and importance of this technology. (Singh Gill, 2019) The article "Artificial Intelligence and International Security: The Long View" seeks to examine and demonstrate the importance of artificial intelligence in various areas of competition between countries, especially from a defense perspective. The article "Artificial Intelligence and Nuclear Weapons" focuses on the military use of artificial intelligence, its technical aspects, as well as the development and risks of this technology, and its impact on companies active in the nuclear sector, and attempts to explain and explain the future of this advancing technology. (Johnson, 2023)MethodologyThis research, employing a descriptive-analytical method, aims to address the aforementioned questions and assess the extent of this technology's impact on social life, particularly in the context of international security, a pressing and sensitive concern for governments.ResultsThe findings of this article suggest that actors in the international system are seeking to capitalize on technological opportunities and address potential challenges to create new platforms for the application of artificial intelligence, thereby leveraging it to enhance national security and establish international standards and norms aligned with their national interests.It is also important to pay attention to the distance between official actors and moral agents in relation to artificial intelligence.

View Article

Original Article International Relations

Geostrategic Competition under the Belt and Road: Paradoxical Trends in India–China Relations

Arsalan Ghurbani Shikh nashin; Safiullah Mawlavi zada

Volume 2, Issue 5 , April 2025

Abstract

Introduction The Belt and Road Initiative, launched by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013, represents one of the most ambitious infrastructure and connectivity projects in contemporary history. Encompassing over 150 countries across six land-based economic corridors and the 21st Century Maritime Silk ... Read More Introduction The Belt and Road Initiative, launched by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013, represents one of the most ambitious infrastructure and connectivity projects in contemporary history. Encompassing over 150 countries across six land-based economic corridors and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, the BRI aims to foster global integration through investments exceeding $1 trillion by 2027. While ostensibly focused on economic cooperation, trade facilitation, and infrastructure development, the initiative has profound geopolitical implications, reshaping power dynamics in Eurasia and beyond. China employs strategies such as "debt-trap diplomacy" and opaque contracts to expand its influence in strategic domains, including ports, energy routes, and economic corridors. For India, a traditional dominant power in the Indian Ocean and South Asia, the BRI poses an existential threat to national security and regional hegemony. Key elements like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, which traverses disputed Kashmir territories, are perceived as direct violations of India's sovereignty. Ports such as Gwadar in Pakistan, Hambantota in Sri Lanka, and Djibouti form China's "String of Pearls" strategy, challenging India's maritime superiority and encircling its strategic interests. This expansion has transformed India-China relations into a paradox of economic warming—bilateral trade reaching $128 billion in 2024—and security cooling, evidenced by border clashes in Galwan (2020) and Tawang (2022). The BRI has evolved from a developmental project into a tool for containing India, prompting New Delhi to revise its long-standing strategic neutrality toward hard balancing measures. This study examines the hidden competition underlying the apparent warming of India-China ties, focusing on how the BRI exacerbates geopolitical rivalry and border tensions. Drawing on theoretical frameworks from international relations, it analyzes China's global integration strategy and India's counter-responses, highlighting the structural instability in South Asia's security architecture. Research Question(s) How has China's Belt and Road Initiative influenced the intensification of geopolitical competition and border tensions between India and China? Results The findings reveal that the BRI has significantly intensified geopolitical competition between India and China, turning what were initially economic initiatives into broader security challenges. China’s strategy is implemented through three major types of corridors: maritime (e.g., the Maritime Silk Road in the Indian Ocean), hybrid (e.g., CPEC and the Bangladesh–China–India–Myanmar corridor), and land-based (e.g., the China–Central Asia–West Asia route). By 2025, more than 147 countries had joined the BRI, accounting for roughly one-third of global GDP and half of the world’s population. Investments reached $550 billion by early 2023, with projections estimating up to $7.5 trillion in annual additions to global GDP by 2040.The evidence also shows that BRI corridors converging on India’s periphery pose strategic implications. Along the disputed Line of Actual Control (LAC)—divided into western (Ladakh), middle, and eastern sectors—China occupies 38,000 sq km of Jammu and Kashmir, while Pakistan ceded an additional 5,183 sq km to China in 1963. CPEC, valued at $62 billion, passes through Gilgit-Baltistan, facilitating the presence of more than 30,000 Chinese personnel. Confrontations at Galwan (2020) and Tawang (2022) further highlight the security implications. In the Indian Ocean, the “String of Pearls” network—including Chittagong ($2.41 billion), Kyaukpyu ($7.4 billion), Gwadar ($50.6 billion), and Hambantota ($1.47 billion)—supports China’s naval shift from “near seas defense” to “far seas protection.” Incidents such as submarine visits to Colombo (2014), naval patrols (2017), and the establishment of the Djibouti base (2016) reflect China’s expanding security footprint. Regionally, China’s influence surpasses India’s: investments in South and Central Asia each exceeded $25 billion by mid-2025, and ASEAN trade reached $468.8 billion compared to India’s $78.9 billion. Discussion For India, the BRI constitutes a multidimensional challenge that intersects border security, regional influence, and maritime strategy. The integration of economic corridors with military and infrastructural capabilities—particularly in CPEC and the Indian Ocean—creates overlapping layers of vulnerability. China’s growing presence in Gilgit-Baltistan challenges India’s territorial claims and reinforces Sino-Pakistani alignment, complicating India's border management along the LAC. Maritime developments similarly weaken India’s self-perception as the “net security provider” in the Indian Ocean. India’s response has involved a mix of internal, regional, and global strategies. Domestically, steps such as the revocation of Article 370 in 2019 aimed to consolidate governance in Jammu and Kashmir. Regionally, projects like Chabahar Port ($500 million), the International North–South Transport Corridor, and the India–Middle East–Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC, launched at the 2023 G20 Summit) seek to provide alternatives to BRI routes. Globally, India has strengthened its participation in the Quad, supported G7’s B3W initiative, and engaged with the EU’s Global Gateway as part of broader coalition-building. From a balance-of-threat perspective, India’s hybrid balancing—combining limited internal balancing with selective external alignments—slows China’s strategic expansion but does not eliminate underlying tensions. The long-term stability of South Asia will depend on greater transparency in BRI financing, improved border management mechanisms, and more equitable regional market access. BRI’s persistent opacity and security externalities continue to shape a competitive and uncertain regional environment. Conclusion In conclusion, the Belt and Road Initiative has not only created economic opportunities but has fueled a hidden competition in India-China relations, posing severe threats to India's national security through territorial encroachments, maritime encirclement, and regional dominance. India's multifaceted balancing—via policy shifts in Kashmir, parallel initiatives like IMEC and Chabahar, and alliances such as the Quad—has partially preserved geopolitical equilibrium but intensified border disputes and security challenges. Findings affirm that without transparency, respect for sovereignty, and non-interference in territorial conflicts, the BRI will continue catalyzing instability in South Asia. India must sustain active balancing against Beijing, reshaping regional security architecture. Future research could explore economic impacts post-2030 or comparative analyses with other BRI-affected powers.

View Article

Original Article International Relations

The Impact of China's Foreign Policy in the South Caucasus on Iran's National Interests

Saeed Shookohi; Zahra Ghasempour Shirazi

Volume 2, Issue 5 , April 2025

Abstract

The South Caucasus region, due to its geopolitical location, energy resources, and its position as a crossroads between Asia and Europe, has always been a focal point of competition among great powers. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, players such as Russia, the United States, and China have sought ... Read More

View Article

Examination and Analysis of the Role of Ethnic Politics in the Political Structure of Contemporary Afghanistan

Volume 1, Issue 1 , March 2024, , Pages 201-240

Abstract

Afghanistan is one of the countries that has a heterogeneous and multi-ethnic structure, and the problem of ethnicity and ethnicity is one of the great harms of unity and the source of differences on the social structure of the Afghan society, and it has been one of the serious obstacles to national ... Read More Afghanistan is one of the countries that has a heterogeneous and multi-ethnic structure, and the problem of ethnicity and ethnicity is one of the great harms of unity and the source of differences on the social structure of the Afghan society, and it has been one of the serious obstacles to national cohesion, convergence and political development. has been in this country. Of course, in Afghanistan since its establishment as an independent country (1747 AD), attention has been paid to this phenomenon, and in order to curb it in different periods and governments, considering the diversity and characteristics of Afghan ethnicities, on the one hand, and on the other hand, looking at the conditions governing the region and interests The national and political systems of this country have engaged in ethnic politics. The political structure in Afghanistan is based on ethnic politics. The structure of this country has always depended on ethnic politics. The main goal of this research is to analyze and evaluate the mono-ethnic policy in the political structure, while this country has ethnic diversity.Research background Various researches and articles have been written about ethnic politics, political structure and cultural and social diversity in Afghanistan, which can generally be examined in the following categories.The phenomenon of ethnocentrism is a negative phenomenon which was examined on the axis of Afghanism (Pashtunism) and the ethnic policies of Afghanistan's rulers were formed "unsuccessfully and based on nervousness", which can be seen in the article "Political Development of Afghanistan and the Inhibiting Role of Ethnicism" In its formation", written by Mohammad Ali Mir Ali and Mohammad Mohsani, he pointed out.Due to the severity of religious, linguistic and especially ethnic differences between "all the ethnic groups of Afghanistan", he considers that the talk of the ethnic politics of Afghanistan's rulers was mostly the result of "foreign element's intervention". In this regard, the thesis of Hafizullah Hafiz is entitled "Comparative study of the role of Iran and Saudi Arabia in the management of the conflict in Afghanistan (2001-2017).Regarding the political structure of Afghanistan position, we can refer to the article "The position of ethnic groups in the formation of the political structure of Afghanistan's governance after 2001 AD", written by Kyomarth Yazdan-Panah and Seyed Jalal Ahmadi, which mostly deals with the position of ethnic groups in the republic period. While ethnic politics in the form of unity in plurality existed in a weak and intense form during this period.Regarding the solution to Afghanistan's crises, the research entitled "The path to ethnic problems in Afghanistan" by Barfield is of the opinion that the existing solution is to transition from the crisis and decentralize the power structure and give more powers to local governments. While one of the main factors in crises is the monopoly of the political structure by governments.This research is looking for accurate and useful reports about the role of ethnic politics in the political structure, and on the other hand, it aims to focus more on ethnic politics in the field of ethnic politics in the contemporary period.The basic question raised in this article. It is: How is the role of ethnic politics in the political structure of Afghanistan analyzed?Sub questionsIn what period of Afghanistan's rulers was the ethnic identification model implemented?The model of ethnic pluralism was carried out during which period of Afghanistan's rulers?The model of unity in ethnic plurality, during which period of Afghanistan's rulers, has continued to happen?The declarative and practical policies of dealing with ethnicity in Afghanistan in the contemporary period and different governments have similar and different characteristics and approaches, and in addition, the shortcomings of the ruling governments, sometimes with the resistance of the traditional society and tribe. They faced Afghanistan.From the period of Abdali, Abdul Rahman, Habibullah, Nader, Hashim, Dawood and the Taliban in order to lead and control it, they used the approach of ethnic identification models and models based on Afghanism (Pashto) and even though they institutionalized Afghan nationalism.From the era of Amanullah, Shah Mahmoud, Zahir Shah, Nur Mohammad Taraki, Hafizullah Amin, Birak Karmel and Najibullah, in this regard, according to the models and models of pluralism that led to the equality of ethnic groups. they moved. Although they had significant achievements, traditional values prevented it and finally left the playing field for the other party.Finally, the Daud Khan Republic and the government of Hamed Karzai and Mohammad Ashraf Ghani emphasized on the model and models of unity at the same time as plurality. But none of these rulers were successful in this move.This research is among developmental and applied research. According to the type and topic of the research, the collection of research data is based on documentary and library methods.The findings of this research show that the political structure in Afghanistan has always been based on ethnic policies and the ruling Afghan (Pashto) people. In other human societies, people have power from governments. But in the society of Afghanistan, which is a very traditional society, which has power based on religion, religion, ethnicity, and even tribe. In this country, all interactions, relations, political and social affairs are formed based on religion, ethnicity, and the continuity of governments is in the shadow of ethnicity and religion. On the other hand, the rulers of statesmen; They have also tried in many ways to reduce the influence of ethnicity and religion and to change the bilateral relations between ethnic groups, tribes and governments and bring them to the benefit of the central government.

Postcolonial Approach and International Relations in Iran

Volume 1, Issue 1 , March 2024, , Pages 1-32

Abstract

One of the significant challenges against the mainstream of International Relations (IR) as a discipline, and even against critical approaches within the discipline, has been the one which raised by post colonialist work. Post colonialism, as a critical approach mainly inspired by post structuralism, ... Read More One of the significant challenges against the mainstream of International Relations (IR) as a discipline, and even against critical approaches within the discipline, has been the one which raised by post colonialist work. Post colonialism, as a critical approach mainly inspired by post structuralism, Antonio Gramsci’s idea of hegemony, and the Indian School of Subaltern History, as well as some anti-colonialist work such as those of Frantz Fanon (1368 [1989]; 2535 [1976]) and Albert Memmi (2536 [1977]), initially emerged in literary critique and social studies to find its way later into IR too. Its critique of Eurocentrism and dichotomies such as West/non-West and its focus on the relations among race, class, and gender (see Chowdhury and Nair 2002) has been taken to be a challenge against a discipline mostly concentrated on international security based on great powers’ relations. While, in the last two decades, dozens of academic articles and books in IR have been marked by an interest in postcolonial themes and approach, they have not been much welcomed by the Iranian community of IR scholars. Post-colonialism has been discussed in only two articles in Persian academic journals of IR (Darroudi and Salavati 1393 [2014]; Haji-Yosefi and Ghaebi 1397 [2018]) and a third article has appeared in an Iranian journal but in English (Adib-Moghaddam 2019). In Iran as a country where Western scholarship in social sciences in general and in IR in particular has been questioned for decades and the fact that most IR scholars look for more endogenous and home-grown theories in order to avoid what post colonialism refers to as Eurocentrism, one expects more or less enthusiastic embracing of postcolonial work. This is not, however, the case. While dominant Eurocentrism is in the opposition to Iranian IR scholars’ interest in developing home-grown theories and approaches on the basis of endogenous experiences, in its current form, IR in Iran is actually somehow based on more or less Eurocentric assumptions.This article is an attempt to show the potential contributions of post colonialism to International Relations in Iran. Post colonialism with ideas such as the significance of imperialism in the construction of both the West and the East; the role of colonial practices in the constitution of race, gender, and class all around the globe; the significance of Orientalism (see Said 1985) as a discourse representing the East and the Islamic world as an inferior Other with a culture, society, and history in opposition to Western “rational” Self and the construction of an image of the East as a childish, sentimental, backward, and barbarian entity (Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin 1998); the Eurocentric nature of most both academic and public knowledge and understandings; etc., have much relevance to IR as a discipline.Furthermore, post colonialism seeks to avoid Eurocentrism and Orientalism with alternative narratives of international life with an emphasis on the voice of the subaltern -even if this is itself problematized by some postcolonial authors (see Spivac 1994 [1985]) as well as through contrapuntal readings of the texts produced at foreign policy level, international institutions, or even by IR scholars (see Bilgin 2016). The agency of non-Western subjects in the history of international relations and international political economy is another contribution of postcolonial scholarship that not only reveals their often neglected roles, it can also be a history of their resistance as a form of power.Post colonialism, thus, goes beyond Eurocentric dichotomies that regard everything from security to power to history and state from a binary-based perspective and limit agency to that of the Western agents.It is assumed here that becoming more familiar with postcolonial contributions to International Relations, may lead to a change in some of the existing assumptions and understandings of world politics dominant in IR community in Iran. Post colonialism can help us question some of the taken for granted presumptions such as the superiority of realism and structuralism perspective in explaining international relations or the existence of a region called the Middle East. It can lead to alternative views with more focus on the role of race, class, and gender in international life. And, last but not the least, it may help us recognize the existence of a sort of Orientalism in reverse in some IR scholarship. Post colonialism, thus, by underlining the agency of non-western actors and the hybrid nature of all phenomena including the East and the West, may help enrich international studies and research Iran.

Middle East Regional Order in the Light of Iran-Saudi Relations; Describing the Past, Explaining the Present and Predicting the Future

Volume 1, Issue 1 , March 2024, , Pages 67-93

Abstract

Explaining the formation and evolution of "regional order" patterns and presenting a realistic vision of their future requires a multi-level analysis; At the domestic level, it is emphasized that, to understand the content and complexity of socio-political developments, as well as to identify the factors ... Read More Explaining the formation and evolution of "regional order" patterns and presenting a realistic vision of their future requires a multi-level analysis; At the domestic level, it is emphasized that, to understand the content and complexity of socio-political developments, as well as to identify the factors affecting the decision-making of political elites. At the regional level, it is important to investigate why and how the patterns of inter-governmental cooperation and conflict are formed, and at the international level, the relations of regional governments with great powers and foreign factors affecting security campaigns are of interest. Nevertheless, the necessity of deep analysis has led the current research to find a variable that has a significant impact on the future of regional order patterns and is one of the main drivers of their transformation. The findings of the research indicate that the "security structure" of the Middle East has become fluid and dynamic, and unlike the past when great powers were the irreplaceable determinants of regional order patterns, in the future, regional campaigns will have an impact. They will have a significant impact on the security structure and patterns of regional order. Meanwhile, the trends of cooperation and conflict in the security relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia as the two main powers of the region are of significant importance. The main purpose of the research is to explain the patterns of regional order by focusing on the patterns of conflict and cooperation between Iran and Saudi Arabia as the two main players in the security environment of the Middle East.The studies which have investigated the security relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia fall into three general categories. The first category is researching that deal with the root of this conflict. In the meantime, many researchers have considered the security conflict between these two actors as a result of structural conflicts and ideological rivalries (Hafiznia 2014, Romina 2014). Some others consider it to be the result of security threats from both sides, and clearly consider the policy of balancing threats and accumulating power as the only available option for the conflicting parties (Moslinejad 1396, Barzegar 1382). Most of the researches in this category analyze the conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia based on a realist or constructivist view. While these two schools, despite having the appropriate capabilities to analyze international relations, are unable to understand many complexities and hidden layers governing the behavior patterns of states such as the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia. The second category includes studies that consider environmental factors and the role of foreign actors to be the main factor in the formation and continuation of the conflict between the two countries (Ghoble 2019, Simons 2003). Researches of this type, which believe in the influence and penetration of the great powers in the security structure of the regions, have presented the Middle East as a subordinate system, where the great powers can direct the selection and priority of the regional actors and from this be effective on the regional order. Such a formulation of the position of the great powers and the security structure of the Middle East, although it sheds light on some characteristics of the Middle East, but it goes astray since it ignores the efforts of regional actors to change the rules of the game and hides the character of the transformation process. goes. The third group is mainly influenced by Barry Buzan's regional security theory and the thinkers of the Copenhagen security school, focusing on the level of regional analysis, examining the impact of security campaigns at the national and regional levels on security structures and regional order patterns are paying attention in the meantime, a research entitled "Research future of political relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia and its consequences on the regional order" which was carried out with the method of scenario writing without observing the principles of future research and scenario writing, only to express six scenarios of the regional order related to the future. The relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia has been discussed (Thaniabadi et al., 2019). At the same time, scenario writing is based on the explanation of trends and the identification of drivers of change. Leading research is in the third category in terms of research approach and its innovation can be seen in research methodology and findings.By focusing on the security relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia and considering other components of the security structure of the Middle East from 1979 until now, the current research answers the question of what effect the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia have had on the patterns of regional order in the Middle East. Is? The research in the framework of the "Copenhagen Security School" is based on the hypothesis that the mutual security relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia have a decisive effect on the future of the regional order in the Middle East and the continuation of conflict or the creation of cooperative mechanisms in the security relations of the two countries can be considered as He considered two main drivers of transformation.The research method is process tracing. Process tracing is a method based on which analysts identify causal processes that link explanatory variables to effects (George and Bennett, 2005). The advantage of this method is that, in addition to explaining the current situation of the Middle East regional order, it is also useful in identifying the trends and events affecting its future. In the leading research, the use of this method is aimed at explaining the trends of conflict and cooperation in the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, which have led to the transformation of the patterns of regional order in the Middle East.The relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the post-revolution era were formed based on the leaders' perception of the existing and perceived threats and the semantic components governing the political system of the two countries. Depending on the environmental conditions, the internal developments and the mentality of the leaders appeared in periods of competition combined with cooperation with the aim of managing regional crises, in a period with strong signs of regional competition, and in periods such as the Arab revolutions of 2011, an intensifying conflict of a nature Proxy and focused on the escalation of the crisis. In recent years, the competitive patterns of Iran and Saudi Arabia have continued based on the accumulation of power and the balance of threats and have left a deep impact on the structure of the regional order. In these years, the expansion of the geography of the conflict to different Arab countries has practically made Iran the most important threat to Saudi Arabia and its regional allies, so that in order to confront Iran, they have gone towards cooperation and alliance with their old enemy, Israel. The nature of the current conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia is such that its resolution takes time and requires a change in the foreign policy and even cultural approach of the two countries; In fact, the ending of the conflict and the formation of relations based on regional cooperation patterns require substantial changes in the goals and regional behavior of the two actors. As long as the identity components and the semantic system governing the foreign policy of these two actors continue, despite the reduction of cross-sectional tensions, there is no clear prospect for the formation of real patterns of interaction. Reconciliation between Iran and Saudi Arabia in Yemen and Syria, along with the return of the JCPOA parties to the nuclear agreement, can reduce the inflammation in the region and lead the two countries to reduce tension. The return of Syria to the Arab League and the establishment of Saudi Arabia's relationship with the government established in this country, along with Iran's efforts to stop the war in Yemen, is also the beginning of the end of the Cold War that governs the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia. The evidences and signs indicate the desire of the two countries to manage the conflicts in the region. But what is certain is that the establishment and continuation of order based on participation in the security structure of the Middle East requires the fundamental resolution of conflicts; Conflicts, many of which arise from the nature of these two actors.

The UAE - Israel Relationship in the Light of the Abraham Agreement and its Impact on the Neighboring Relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran

Volume 1, Issue 2 , June 2024, , Pages 121-146

Abstract

As two neighboring countries, Iran and the UAE have maintained relatively stable relations since the independence of the UAE in 1971. Except for the dispute over the triple Islands in the Persian Gulf and the UAE's pursuit of resolving this through international forums, there has been no significant ... Read More As two neighboring countries, Iran and the UAE have maintained relatively stable relations since the independence of the UAE in 1971. Except for the dispute over the triple Islands in the Persian Gulf and the UAE's pursuit of resolving this through international forums, there has been no significant tension in the relations between the two. The UAE's foreign policy has always been cautiously towards Iran and the country avoided a direct confrontation with its big northern neighbor. A new generation of UAE political leaders in 2011 began charting a more proactive approach to reshaping the Middle East security landscape in the country's favor, often focusing on countering the threat posed by the Muslim Brotherhood and other Sunni Islamist groups. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan of Abu Dhabi was and continues to be central to this approach. Although he holds no formal position in the UAE federal government, he has consolidated his role as Abu Dhabi’s, and indeed the UAE’s, de facto leader since his 2003 elevation as successor to the role of crown prince of Abu Dhabi. (Crisis Group, 2021) With the geopolitical changes in the Middle East, UAE leaders have seized the opportunity to influence on regional equations. In this regard, the UAE attempt to strengthen national security and enter into regional and extra-regional alliances and coalitions. For instance, it could be mentioned the active presence of the country in Yemen's war. Another important issue that should be noted is the endorsement of Abraham's contract with Israel which has led to the normalizing relations process between them. A significant issue that should be kept in mind is that with the signing of the agreement, Israeli has accessed to the security complex of the Persian Gulf, and this is considered a threat to Iran and its national interests. The purpose of this present research is to investigate the impact of the Abraham Agreement on the neighborly relations between Iran and the UAE. Using descriptive qualitative method and applying the two concepts of balance of power and strategic hedging, this study has analyzed the relations between theU AE and Israeli and also its consequences on the neighboring relations with Iran. The term “hedging” is widely used in the academic and policy literature. However, its casual usage has created conceptual confusion because its meanings is varying greatly. Most of the time, practitioners and policy researchers consider the term (hedging)parallel to “balancing,” remarking it to be an antonym of “engagement,” which recourses to an effort to create a cooperative relationship through political, military, economic, or social means. This “engagement-hedging” insight illustrates one’s political status: engagement emphasizes cooperation as a primary objective, whereas hedging is an insurance policy in the event engagement fails. (Koja,2018:636) Strategic hedging is a relative and incomprehensible concept that is innately difficult to quantify. Tessman and Wolfe have already noted to three primary resources that generate strategic hedging; economic capacity, military power and central government. (Salman& Geeraerts,2014: 3) The other concept is “balancing power”. Schweller offers the following definition of balancing centered on military capabilities “Balancing means the creation or aggregation of military power through either internal mobilization or the forging of alliances to prevent or deter the state occupation and domination by a foreign power or coalition(Schweller,2016:4). The term balance of power adverts to the distribution of power capabilities of rival states or alliance. The balance of power theory holds that when one state or alliance mounts its power or applies it more aggressively; threatened states will increase their own power in response, often by forming a counter-balancing coalition.(legalserviceindia.com). Being aware of its geopolitical position and mentality that there is an objective threat against the country's national security from Iran, the UAE entered into an interaction with the IRI as part of a "hedging strategy" to deal with this threat. In fact, the country considered Iran to be its biggest regional threat, and there were sources of mistrust and tensions between the two sides, including over the triple islands, the nuclear issue, the ballistic missile program, and accusations against Iran of inciting the political sentiments of Shiites in the UAE.In line with its dual policy of strategic hedging and balancing, the UAE has taken many defense and military measures in the past years. The UAE has quietly established its own independent defense force. Over the decades, this country has provided a relatively small but sophisticated military possess such as air force, special forces and offensive and defensive weapons with advanced technology. (El-Dessouki & Rafik Mansour,2020) On August 13, 2020, Israel and the UAE announced the normalization of relations between the two sides and the establishment of a new relationship. Contrary to the normative historical view of the Arab world regarding Israel, the UAE considers the regime neither an enemy nor a threat to the stability of the region. According to the worldview of Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the main threats to the UAE and its allies are the expansionist Iran and transnational political Islamists. In return, the UAE considers Israel a strong regional power, which has shared the view and it is willing to work alongside the UAE against regional enemies. Therefore, the official alliance with Israel has the strategic logics. (Rahman, 2021:2) Telaviv and Abu Dhabi consider Iran and Turkey as a threat to national security. These possible threats from Tehran and Ankara are reinforced by Washington's plan to reduce its military presence in the Middle East. The normalization agreement publicly and officially brings Israel and the UAE together, which will bring its own set of complex challenges and potential risks (Guzansky & Heistein, 2020). One of the important components of the Ibrahim agreement, although not specifically explained, is increased security cooperation against regional threats, especially from Iran and its proxies. It is important to mention that Israel and the UAE have had security relations since the past, but this agreement exposes them (COOK, 2020). As mentioned, one of the important articles of the Ibrahim contract is the security cooperation between the two sides that will probably create challenges for Iran in terms of security issues in the future. By having the support from USA, Israel enjoys a relative military superiority in the Middle East. However, drones, missiles and new cyber capabilities and other technologies may reduce this gap in the coming years. (Sachs & Huggard, 2020:12)In this research, we sought to find an answer to this question; what effect will the strengthening of relations between the UAE and Israeli have on the neighboring relations of this country with Iran? And the hypothesis that was raised in relation to the question was that the consolidation of the relations between the UAE and Israeli after the Ibrahim Agreement would cause the influence and indirect presence of Israeli in the vital security environment of Iran and as a result, changing in the balance of threats. It will intensify the skepticism of the neighborly relations of the parties. The findings of the research show that the security aspect of this cooperation is dangerous for Iran's national interests because it opens a foothold for Israel to the Persian Gulf region near the borders of Iran. Besides, the close intelligence and cyber cooperation between Abu Dhabi and Telaviv in the region could endanger the national security of Iran. Cyber-attacks on infrastructure, while being inexpensive, could be very dangerous.

Global Political Economy and Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran

Volume 1, Issue 2 , June 2024, , Pages 1-41

Abstract

Regarding to the International System evolutions, Recognition and Understanding of the Relationship Between Global Political Economy and Foreign Policy of Iran Has Become More Important. Despite the Numerous Studies Which Have Been Done in This Field, but considering the Widespread Evolutions, it is ... Read More Regarding to the International System evolutions, Recognition and Understanding of the Relationship Between Global Political Economy and Foreign Policy of Iran Has Become More Important. Despite the Numerous Studies Which Have Been Done in This Field, but considering the Widespread Evolutions, it is important the Explanation of the interactive and circular Relationship between these two categories, as well as the impact of the global structure of production on the Iran’s foreign policy. From this Perspective, It Seems That Cox 's Opinions Are Appropriate for Understanding these Evolutions and the Relation Between These Categories. The Present Essay, while assuming the relationship between global political economy and the foreign policy of Iran, Raises This Key Question of What Effect Does Global Political Economy on the functioning of Foreign Policy of Iran?According to Cox's opinions, the Global Political Economy by creating the global chain of value production, and based on Iran's position in the global production structure, with its impact on the economic system and the configuration of the state, has had a fundamental impact on the foreign policy action in Iran, and has always met the requirements has imposed on. From this point of view, the foreign policy which interacts with domestic socio-economic structures on the one hand, and interacts with the world system on the other hand, is strongly influenced by the global political economy, which has created a global production structure. Hence, the Purpose of this Paper is to study and Explain How the Global Political Economy Affects the Foreign Policy in Iran, So, it Forms an Exploratory Research Based On a Critical Methodological Approach and a Reproductive Strategy.in this framework, we tried to study and explain the relationship between the global political economy and foreign policy of Iran, by using the Cox's critical approach and recognizing the dominance and hegemony in the political economy of the world. Based on the findings of the research, the global political economy has always imposed requirements on Iran based on the needs of the global production structure and Iran's position in the global chain of value production, which has led to extensive changes in Iran's foreign policy action. In other words, in order to reproduce the economic system and secure the interests and benefits of the dominant classes, the state has been influenced by the global political economy and has continuously adjusted and directed its actions, especially the foreign policy, in order to respond to global requirements.turning to the discussions and as a result of the changes in the global political economy, a global production structure and in other words, a global value production chain has been formed in which all countries have a certain place. In addition, Iran is located in another special infrastructure named the global oil production network, which has created special requirements for it. Thus, Iran has been defined as a major producer of energy and a consumer of consumer products in the global structure of production. The process of globalization as the dominant trend of global political economy has led to a new formulation of interactions between governmental and non-governmental actors at different levels and fields. By increasing interdependence, the importance of interactive actions and the functionalization of diplomacy in the field of economy, has made necessary coordination and adaptation with global economic trends and has led to changes in foreign policy strategies and tools. Therefore, Iran's foreign policy, while accepting the established order and global political economy trends, and understanding the importance of economic variables in foreign policy, non-governmental actors, competitiveness and international trade, with changes in its tools and policies, is trying to adopt an active and dynamic and development oriented foreign policy, in line with global trends.Although it seems that despite of cooperation and coordination of Iran's foreign policy with global trends, due to the lack of accurate understanding of global Evolutions, foreign policy action has not been able to adapt to the global political economy. This issue has led to the deepening of Iran's position in the global production structure and can confront Iran with several crises. In the meantime, no specific action has been taken by Iran to change this position. This problem is partly caused by the needs of the government, the ideology ruling the system and the interests and tendencies of the dominant productive social forces in Iran, and partly caused by the unwillingness of the dominant forces in the global political economy (especially the West) to structural changes in Iran, Therefore, they have prevented the possibility and opportunity of structural changes in Iran with different methods. As a result, Iran has almost been excluded from the process of globalization. Hence, Iran's position will be in more danger if it does not pay attention to the requirements of global structures. Therefore, it is necessary to adopt appropriate policies, while responding to global requirements, to stabilize and improve Iran's position.

Research on Global Relations

Articles in Press

Current Issue

Volume 2 (2025)

Volume 1 (2024)

Artificial Intelligence and the Redefinition of Global Relations in the New International Order

Abstract

Artificial Intelligence, International Security: Promises and Fears

Abstract

Geostrategic Competition under the Belt and Road: Paradoxical Trends in India–China Relations

Abstract

The Impact of China's Foreign Policy in the South Caucasus on Iran's National Interests

Abstract

Examination and Analysis of the Role of Ethnic Politics in the Political Structure of Contemporary Afghanistan

Abstract

Postcolonial Approach and International Relations in Iran

Abstract

Middle East Regional Order in the Light of Iran-Saudi Relations; Describing the Past, Explaining the Present and Predicting the Future

Abstract

The UAE - Israel Relationship in the Light of the Abraham Agreement and its Impact on the Neighboring Relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran

Abstract

Global Political Economy and Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran

Abstract

Indexing and Abstracting

انجمن

Center of Excellence for the State Studies

Google Scholar

LinkedIn

Keywords Cloud